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Black on whiye sex

Black on whiye sex

Black on whiye sex

Black on whiye sex

Black on whiye sex

Balck terms Terms of transaction. First, we developed a rich set of measures integrating the relationships, sexual intercourse Black on whiye sex, and contraceptive use of to year-old women over the first year of the RDSL study. The life course paradigm: Social change and individual development. Support Center Support Center. Author manuscript; available in PMC Oct 1. The second demographic transition in the United States: Exception or textbook example? Employment during the transition to adulthood may also indicate lower investment in a future career, which may translate into less desire to avoid pregnancy, especially if employment improves the affordability of having a dex. Quick Shop Black on whiye sex to Cart.

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We investigate hypotheses about dynamic processes in these behaviors during early adulthood in order to shed light on persisting racial differences in rates of unintended pregnancies in the United States.

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Black-White Differences in Sex and Contraceptive Use Among Young Women.

We investigate hypotheses about dynamic processes in these behaviors during early adulthood in order to shed light on persisting racial differences in rates of unintended pregnancies in the United States. We find that net of other sociodemographic characteristics and adolescent experiences with sex and pregnancy, black women spent less time in relationships and had sex less frequently in their relationships than white women, but did not differ in the number of relationships they formed or in their frequency or consistency of contraceptive use within relationships.

In addition, black women did not differ from white women in their number of discontinuations or different methods used and had fewer contraceptive method switches. Black-white differences in pregnancy behaviors persist in the United States. On average, black women have their first baby much earlier than white women at age Although teen pregnancy rates have declined dramatically among all racial and ethnic groups in the United States since their peak in the early s Kost and Henshaw , black teens have a pregnancy rate that is nearly three times higher than that of white teens Martinez et al.

In this study, we investigate the role of two important proximate determinants of pregnancy—sex and contraceptive use—in producing these black-white differences. We focus on the beginning of the transition to adulthood, from age 18 or 19 through age 20 or 21, which spans a particularly important period of the life course.

Although overall pregnancy rates are higher at older ages, unintended pregnancies—which have been targeted for reduction by Healthy People goals in , , and 1 —peak at these ages Finer and Zolna Accordingly, we draw on the life course perspective to conceptualize the links among race, other sociodemographic characteristics, and sexual and contraceptive behaviors. The life course perspective emphasizes the importance of the timing and sequencing of experiences across the lifespan and proposes that individuals make choices conditional on these experiences and within the constraints and opportunities available to them Elder ; Mayer Empirically testing these and other similar hypotheses requires dynamic data on sex and contraception use over time.

The present study contributes to our understanding of these proximate determinants of pregnancy among young women in two important ways. First, we developed a rich set of measures integrating the relationships, sexual intercourse experiences, and contraceptive use of to year-old women over the first year of the RDSL study.

Second, because data were collected weekly, we are able to examine changes in sexual and contraceptive behaviors over partners, across relationship length, and by contraceptive method and consistency.

This rich set of data allows, for the first time, an investigation of how race and other sociodemographic characteristics—both separately and in tandem—are related to dynamic pregnancy-related behaviors.

This research capability is important because sex and contraceptive use vary substantially across other sociodemographic factors e. Adolescence and the transition to adulthood is a time of many persisting black-white differences in sex and contraceptive behaviors.

Contraceptive non-use is higher among black young people than white young people; and among users, black young people are less likely to report highly effective methods e. We hypothesize that three broad sets of factors may lead to these black-white differences in sex and contraceptive use: 1 family and early-life experiences, 2 economic opportunity and attainment, and 3 the legacy of eugenics. This notion is supported by an empirical study of young black women who themselves said that gender imbalance was a reason they tolerated refusal to use condoms and nonmonogamous sexual behavior in their male partners Ferguson et al.

Religiosity may have a differential racial impact on both young sex and contraceptive use. Religious doctrine also tends to be negative toward contraception, but evidence is mixed about whether religiosity affects contraceptive use among those young people who have sex Manlove et al. The uncertainty and instability endemic to concentrated poverty Gottschalk and Moffitt ; Western et al.

Young women with these experiences may seek out romantic relationships as an escape from a harsh life Cavanagh et al. Edin and Kefalas described poor young women who perceive potential stability in a path of early sex, lack of contraception, and early parenthood.

And Burton and Tucker described this unreliability and insecurity in the lives of poor African American women—intermittent, low-wage employment, and few alternatives e. Neighborhood economic conditions of blacks explain a substantial amount of race-based variance in nonmarital pregnancy South and Baumer and attitudes related to early sex Browning and Burrington Poor women may also perceive lower potential for education and careers, which would reduce their opportunity costs for having early sex and unprotected sex.

These strong preferences for delaying childbearing and marriage translate to contraceptive vigilance, given that the vast majority of young women have had sex by their early 20s Finer and Philbin Although poverty may affect contraceptive use, given that poor women are less likely to have insurance 3 Ebrahim et al.

Previous research has uncovered significant race differences that are not fully explained by economic factors e. At its inception, the U. The massive forced sterilization of Puerto Rican women between and was funded by a U. The involuntary sterilization of women receiving public assistance in the United States has been publically documented as recently as the s Boonstra et al.

The question of whether poor women should bear children is at the heart of some ongoing welfare debates e. Provider bias in contraceptive counseling Dehlendorf et al. We expect these beliefs and experiences to translate to lower rates of contraceptive use among black women and also translate to particular avoidance of methods that require interaction with a health care provider e.

There are multiple aspects of sex and contraceptive use. Sexual behavior encompasses the number of distinct sexual partners and frequency of sexual intercourse. Contraceptive behavior includes use of any method, consistent use, and the effectiveness of the specific method used Kirby Hypothesis 2 Contraceptive Use : Less frequent and less consistent contraceptive use.

Hypothesis 3 Contraceptive Method : Less use of highly effective contraceptive methods. The RDSL study began with a representative random, population-based sample of 1, young women, ages 18—19, residing in a single Michigan county.

The first component of data collection was a face-to-face baseline interview conducted between March and July , assessing sociodemographic characteristics, attitudes, relationship characteristics and history, contraceptive use, and pregnancy history. The journal component of the survey concluded in January , resulting in 57, weekly interviews.

We restrict our analyses to the first 12 months of the study, when response rates were highest. Seven respondents were not included in our analytic sample because they completed only one journal in the first 12 months of the study.

Because our study investigates black-white differences, we also excluded 97 respondents who did not identify as non-Hispanic black or non-Hispanic white see description of race in Measures section. This left respondents who contributed 25, weekly interviews in total. Similarly, we consider not only whether any contraception is used but also the method, method switches, method discontinuation, and so on.

Because we investigate multiple outcomes, the analytic sample varies by outcome. For instance, respondents are at risk of using contraception to prevent pregnancy only if they are having sex. Table 1 presents the distributions of race and other sociodemographic characteristics included in the models, among the full sample and separately by race.

Pill includes the Pill, patch, or vaginal ring NuvaRing. These race differences are substantial and statistically significant except for enrollment in postsecondary education. As shown in Table 1 , black women in the sample had riskier sexual experiences in their adolescence and higher rates of teen pregnancy than white women—findings that are consistent with the literature Manlove and Terry-Humen ; Martinez et al.

In every weekly interview, respondents answered a variety of questions about relationships, sexual behavior, and contraceptive use in the prior week. Table 1 presents the distributions of these outcomes for the full sample and separately by race. Respondents provided initials for a new partner or chose a prior partner from a list. Proportion of partnered weeks was calculated by dividing the number of weekly journals in which the respondent identified a partner by her total number of journals.

Proportion of weeks in an exclusive partnership is calculated by dividing the number of journals in which the respondent reported being in an exclusive partnership by her total number of journals. This particular measure is a control in the models, not an outcome of interest. Number of partners was calculated by counting the number of unique partners reported.

Average length of partnerships in months was calculated by summing the number of days with each unique partner, converting this to months, and dividing by the number of partners. This includes the period prior to the beginning of the study for partnerships that were ongoing at baseline; therefore, length can exceed 12 months. Each week, respondents were asked whether they had used any form of birth control in the prior week, regardless of whether they had sex or were trying to prevent pregnancy.

Proportion of weeks any contraception was used was calculated only for the weeks in which sex occurred because some of the methods are used only during sex e.

Proportion of weeks contraception was used consistently was calculated only in weeks that any contraception was used. We grouped contraceptive use weeks into four mutually exclusive categories: 1 IUD, implant, or contraceptive injection e.

For example, weeks of using both a condom and oral contraceptives the Pill are coded as Pill ; and weeks coded as Condom refer to use of a condom only or a condom along with a less effective method. Proportion of weeks using each method was calculated by dividing the number of weeks in which that method was used by the total number of weeks in which any method was used.

We also calculate the frequency of use, for each method, for all women who ever used that method. We found no race difference in how frequently Pill users used that method. Number of discontinuations of contraceptive use is a count of distinct periods of non-use.

For example, if a respondent reported using condoms, then reported no use of contraception, then used the Pill, then quit all use, and then used condoms again, she would have two discontinuations. On average, all contraceptors had 0. Number of different methods refers to the total number of unique contraceptive methods ever used. On average, contraceptors used 1. Number of method switches combines these two concepts. For instance, four periods of use consisting of pills, condoms, pills, and condoms, is two methods but three method switches.

On average, contraceptors switched methods 1. We initially used a model-building strategy to examine the extent of race differences in sex and contraceptive use net of other sociodemographic differences. We ran a model that included race only, followed by additions of childhood sociodemographic characteristics, current sociodemographic characteristics, adolescent experiences with sex and pregnancy, and finally proportion of weeks in an exclusive partnership.

We also ran models excluding race to examine the extent to which these other sociodemographic differences were net of race differences. In these race-excluded models, the coefficients for the other sociodemographic characteristics remained quite stable, regardless of what additional variables were included in the model. In the race-included models, however, the coefficient for race varied dramatically depending on whether the other characteristics were included.

Thus, here, we present two models for each outcome: Model 1 includes race only, and Model 2 adds the other sociodemographic characteristics, measures for adolescent experiences with sex and pregnancy, and a control for proportion of weeks in an exclusive partnership. The latter is not included in the first outcome proportion of partnered weeks because a respondent needs to be in a relationship for it to be exclusive or not.

We found that net of other variables, black women spent significantly less time in a relationship than did white women. Among women who spent any time in a relationship, blacks had significantly less frequent sex. These differences are net of other sociodemographic characteristics and of sex and pregnancy during adolescence.

In other words, although they had experienced earlier sex and partnerships during adolescence, these differences were not in evidence during the study period of young adulthood.

Notes: Standard errors are shown in parentheses. A Poisson regression was used for number of partners, and an OLS regression was used for the other outcomes.

Sociodemographic characteristics other than race also were related to relationship formation and sex. Highly religious women had less frequent sex in their relationships than their less religious peers but did not spend less time in relationships and had only marginally fewer partners during the year and marginally shorter relationships.

Women who were currently receiving public assistance had significantly fewer and longer relationships. Overall, these models suggest substantial black-white differences in time spent in relationships and frequency of sex, but the direction of these differences puts black women at lower risk of pregnancy.

Black on whiye sex

Black on whiye sex